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CRS — Terrorist Watchlist Checks and Air Passenger Prescreening

February 9th, 2010

Terrorist Watchlist Checks and Air Passenger Prescreening (PDF; 343 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Considerable controversy continues to surround U.S. air passenger prescreening and terrorist watchlist checks. In the past, such controversy centered around diverted international flights and misidentified passengers. Another issue surfaced on Christmas Day 2009, when an air passenger attempted to ignite an explosive device on a Detroit-bound flight from Amsterdam. Although U.S. counterterrorism officials reportedly had created a record on the air passenger in the Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment (TIDE), which is maintained at the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC), it does not appear that the NCTC ever nominated him for entry into the U.S. government’s consolidated Terrorist Screening Database, which is maintained at the Terrorist Screening Center. Therefore, he would not have been placed on watchlists used by front-line, air passenger prescreening agencies, principally the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), Transportation Security Administration (TSA), and Customs and Border Protection (CBP).

Under Homeland Security Presidential Directive 6, the Terrorist Screening Center (TSC) was established as a multiagency collaborative effort administered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The TSC maintains a consolidated Terrorist Screening Database (TSDB).

The TSC distributes TSDB-generated terrorist watch lists to frontline screening agencies that conform with the missions and legal authorities under which those agencies operate. In addition, the TSC has developed comprehensive procedures for handling encounters with known and suspected terrorists and their supporters, and provides terrorist screening agencies with around-the- clock operational support in the event of possible terrorist encounters.

CBP uses the Advanced Passenger Information System (APIS) to capture personal identity and travel information on international travelers (both citizens and noncitizens) from passenger manifests provided by air carriers and vessel operators. For the purposes of both border and transportation security, CBP vets that information in most cases prior to departure against several terrorist watchlists that are subsets of the TSDB. More recently, TSA has positioned itself through the Secure Flight program to receive similar data through the DHS APIS portal to vet domestic aircraft and vessel passengers against terrorist watch lists, also prior to departure. In time, TSA will assume from CBP transportation security-related terrorist watch list vetting for international aircraft and vessel passengers as well.

In addition, both CBP and TSA capture selected elements of passenger name record (PNR) information that is used to focus inspection and screening resources more efficiently on high-risk individuals at either international ports of entries upon arrival at a U.S. port of entry or at airport security checkpoints prior U.S. air carrier flights. For these purposes, CBP administers the Automated Targeting System-Passenger and TSA administers the Computer-Assisted Passenger Prescreening System. Furthermore, to handle and resolve the complaints of passengers and meet these statutory requirements, the DHS has established the DHS Traveler Redress Inquiry Program (TRIP) as a mechanism for addressing watchlist misidentification issues and other situations where passengers feel that they have been unfairly or incorrectly delayed or denied boarding.

Congress addressed related terrorist watch-listing and screening issues in the Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act of 2007 (P.L. 110-53) and the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (P.L. 108-458). In the 111th Congress, the House passed the FAST Redress Act of 2009 (H.R. 559), a bill that addresses air passenger watch list misidentifications.

CRS — U.S. Periods of War

February 9th, 2010

U.S. Periods of War (PDF; 134 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Many wars or conflicts in U.S. history have federally designated “periods of war,” dates marking their beginning and ending. These dates are important for qualification for certain veterans’ pension or disability benefits. Confusion can occur because beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” in many nonofficial sources are often different from those given in treaties and other official sources of information, and armistice dates can be confused with termination dates. This report lists the beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” found in Title 38 of the Code of Federal Regulations, dealing with the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). It also lists and differentiates other beginning dates given in declarations of war, as well as termination of hostilities dates and armistice and ending dates given in proclamations, laws, or treaties. This report will be updated when events warrant. For additional information, see CRS Report RL31133, Declarations of War and Authorizations for the Use of Military Force: Historical Background and Legal Implications.

CRS — Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder

February 9th, 2010

Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder (PDF; 290 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Starting in late 2006, commercial migratory beekeepers along the East Coast of the United States began reporting sharp declines in their honey bee colonies. Because of the severity and unusual circumstances of these colony declines, scientists named this phenomenon colony collapse disorder (CCD). Reports indicate that beekeepers in most states have been affected. Overall, the number of managed honey bee colonies dropped an estimated 35.8% and 31.8% in the winters of 2007/2008 and 2006/2007, respectively. Preliminary loss estimates for the 2008/2009 winter are reported at 28.6%. To date, the precise reasons for colony losses are not yet known. Honey bees are the most economically valuable pollinators of agricultural crops worldwide. Scientists at universities and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) frequently assert that bee pollination is involved in about one-third of the U.S. diet, and contributes to the production of a wide range of fruits, vegetables, tree nuts, forage crops, some field crops, and other specialty crops. The monetary value of honey bees as commercial pollinators in the United States is estimated at about $15-$20 billion annually.

Honey bee colony losses are not uncommon. However, losses in recent years differ from past situations in that colony losses are occurring mostly because bees are failing to return to the hive (which is largely uncharacteristic of bee behavior); bee colony losses have been rapid; colony losses are occurring in large numbers; and the reason(s) for these losses remains largely unknown. Based on the available research over the past few years on the numerous possible causes of CCD, USDA concluded in its 2007-2008 progress report (released in June 2009) that “it now seems clear that no single factor alone is responsible for the malady.” This has led researchers to further examine the hypothesis that CCD may be “a syndrome caused by many different factors, working in combination or synergistically.” Currently, USDA states, researchers are focusing on three major possibilities:

  • pesticides that may be having unexpected negative effects on honey bees;
  • a new parasite or pathogen that may be attacking honey bees, such as the parasite Nosema ceranae or viruses; and
  • a combination of existing stresses that may compromise the immune system of bees and disrupt their social system, making colonies more susceptible to disease and collapse. Stresses could include high levels of infection by the Varroa mite; poor nutrition due to apiary overcrowding, pollination of crops with low nutritional value, or pollen or nectar scarcity; exposure to limited or contaminated water supplies; and migratory stress.

Funding for honey bee and CCD research at USDA’s Agricultural Research Service (ARS) has increased sharply, following both the enactment of the 2008 farm bill (P.L. 110-246) and the FY2009 and FY2010 appropriations process (P.L. 111-8 and P.L. 111-80, respectively). These legislative actions contained additional provisions that would, among other things, provide additional funding for research and conservation programs addressing honey bees and pollinators. Total ARS funding for honey bee and CCD research averaged more than $7.7 million each in FY2007 and FY2008, increasing to $8.3 million in FY2009 and $9.8 million for FY2010.

CRS — Charitable Contributions for Haiti’s Earthquake Victims

February 9th, 2010

Charitable Contributions for Haiti’s Earthquake Victims (PDF; 197 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

On January 12, 2010, a magnitude 7.0 earthquake struck Haiti. As of January 20, 2010, 72,000 had been confirmed dead with hundreds of thousands more in need of assistance. The earthquake has left an estimated 1.5 million Haitians homeless. Congress has passed legislation with the goal of promoting charitable donations for the earthquake victims in Haiti. Similar action was taken following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and the 2005 Gulf Coast Hurricanes, when Congress enacted legislation to promote charitable giving to organizations providing aid to victims of these natural disasters.

On January 20, 2010, the House passed the Haiti Assistance Income Tax Incentive Act (HAITI Act; H.R. 4462), a bill to accelerate the income tax benefits for charitable cash contributions for the relief of earthquake victims. The Senate introduced companion legislation (S. 2936) on January 20, 2010, but passed the identical House legislation H.R. 4462 on January 21, 2010. If enacted, the HAITI Act would allow taxpayers making charitable contributions of cash made to organizations providing aid to earthquake victims after January 11, 2010, and before March 1, 2010, to take the associated charitable deduction on their 2009 income tax returns. A similar provision, discussed in greater detail below, was adopted under P.L. 109-1 following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) estimates that the HAITI Act would result in revenue losses of approximately $2 million over the 10-year budget window spanning FY2010 through FY2019.

Under current law, charitable contributions to 501(c)(3) charitable organizations from individuals, corporations, and estates and trusts are tax deductible in the year they are made. Individuals can deduct up to 50% of their adjusted gross income (AGI), phased-out for higher income individuals. Corporations can deduct up to 10% of their taxable income. Individuals and corporations can carry forward any unclaimed charitable deductions for up to five years. Total charitable giving in 2008 was $307.65 billion.

In the past, Congress has passed legislation to encourage charitable giving following natural disasters. Following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, legislation was passed that allowed taxpayers making charitable contributions to aid tsunami victims in January 2005 to take the charitable deduction on their 2004 tax return. This provision is similar to the one proposed in the HAITI Act. In September 2005, following Hurricane Katrina, individual and corporate giving limits were suspended. The rules surrounding charitable contributions of food inventory and books were also relaxed to encourage in-kind giving.
The HAITI Act, like other tax policies, can be evaluated along the dimensions of efficiency and equity. Efficiency is greatest when the policy’s marginal impact, the giving induced by the program, is large relative to the policy’s inframarginal impact, the benefits given to those whose behavior was not directly caused by the tax policy. Using this framework, the HAITI Act is unlikely to be economically efficient. In general, tax benefits for charitable giving do not appear to significantly increase donations. Furthermore, tax deductions violate principles of vertical equity in that the benefits of tax deductions accrue disproportionately to higher income groups and provide larger benefits to those with a greater ability to pay.

CRS — Terrorist Attacks on Commercial Airlines: Federal Criminal Prohibitions

February 9th, 2010

Terrorist Attacks on Commercial Airlines: Federal Criminal Prohibitions (PDF; 181 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Federal authorities can and have prosecuted terrorist attacks on commercial airlines under a wide variety of federal statutes. Some of those statutes outlaw crimes committed aboard a commercial airliner; some, crimes committed against the aircraft itself; others, crimes involving the use of firearms or explosives; still others, crimes committed for terrorist purposes. Within each category, the law reaches co-conspirators and other accomplices. Moreover, although most apply when committed within the United States, many apply to terrorist attacks overseas, particularly but necessarily, when the victims are Americans or U.S. airlines.

CRS — Metropolitan Transportation Planning

February 9th, 2010

Metropolitan Transportation Planning (PDF; 245 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Federal law requires state and local governments to designate a metropolitan planning organization (MPO) in each urbanized area with a population of 50,000 or more to help plan surface transportation infrastructure and services. There are currently 381 MPOs nationwide. Despite some strengthening of their authority over the years, MPOs have generally remained subordinate to state departments of transportation (DOTs) in the planning and selecting (“programming”) of projects using federal surface transportation funds. Moreover, it can be argued that at the metropolitan level MPOs are subordinate to local governments that own and operate many elements of the transportation system, and also control land use planning and zoning.

Because of the perceived weakness of MPOs, some in the transportation community have argued that they ought to be given much more power over the planning and programming of projects using federal surface transportation funds. Some of these observers go so far as to suggest that federal policies and programs in a number of areas, including transportation, housing, and the environment, need to be coordinated on a metropolitan scale, and that MPOs are the organizational venue where this should occur. Others argue that the relationship between state government, local government, and MPOs is well-balanced and should not be changed. A third view is that metropolitan transportation planning is controlled by planners who often harbor anticar views, and consequently, MPOs can be actually detrimental to well-functioning metropolitan transportation systems. In this view, MPOs should be abolished or, at the very least, have their functions significantly curtailed.

Surface transportation programs were authorized under the Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act: A Legacy for Users (SAFETEA-LU or SAFETEA) (P.L. 109-59) covering the period FY2005 through FY2009. In lieu of a new multi-year reauthorization that is still being considered, Congress has extended these programs and their funding several times. Reauthorization of the surface transportation programs provides an opportunity for Congress to reexamine policies related to MPOs and the metropolitan planning process. This report discusses several issues that Congress may want to consider: the authority of MPOs to plan and program funds; representation and participation in MPOs; MPO funding and technical capacity; and implementation of livability initiatives. It may also want to consider a number of issues having to do with planning requirements such as the need for a long-range plan, the proper scale of planning, and the incorporation of freight transportation interests. The report begins with a brief description of the metropolitan transportation planning process.

CRS — Al Qaeda and Affiliates: Historical Perspective, Global Presence, and Implications for U.S. Policy

February 9th, 2010

Al Qaeda and Affiliates: Historical Perspective, Global Presence, and Implications for U.S. Policy (PDF; 324 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Al Qaeda (AQ) has evolved into a significantly different terrorist organization than the one that perpetrated the September 11, 2001, attacks. At the time, Al Qaeda was composed mostly of a core cadre of veterans of the Afghan insurgency against the Soviets, with a centralized leadership structure, made up mostly of Egyptians. Most of the organization’s plots either emanated from the top or were approved by the leadership. Some analysts describe pre-9/11 Al Qaeda as akin to a corporation, with Osama Bin Laden acting as an agile Chief Executive Officer issuing orders and soliciting ideas from subordinates.

Some would argue that the Al Qaeda of that period no longer exists. Out of necessity, due to pressures from the security community, in the ensuing years it has transformed into a diffuse global network and philosophical movement composed of dispersed nodes with varying degrees of independence. The core leadership, headed by Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, is thought to live in the mountainous tribal belt of northwest Pakistan, where it continues to train operatives, recruit, and disseminate propaganda. But Al Qaeda franchises or affiliated groups active in countries such as Yemen and Somalia now represent critical power centers in the larger movement. Some affiliates receive money, training, and weapons; others look to the core leadership in Pakistan for strategic guidance, theological justification, and a larger narrative of global struggle. Over the past year senior government officials have assessed the trajectory of Al Qaeda to be “less centralized command and control, (with) no clear center of gravity, and likely rising and falling centers of gravity, depending on where the U.S. and the international focus is for that period.” While a degraded corporate Al Qaeda may be welcome news to many, a trend has emerged over the past few years that some view as more difficult to detect, if not potentially more lethal.

The Al Qaeda network today also comprises semi-autonomous or self radicalized actors, who often have only peripheral or ephemeral ties to either the core cadre in Pakistan or affiliated groups elsewhere. According to U.S. officials Al Qaeda cells and associates are located in over 70 countries. Sometimes these individuals never leave their home country but are radicalized with the assistance of others who have traveled abroad for training and indoctrination through the use of modern technologies. In many ways, the dispersion of Al Qaeda affiliates fits into the larger strategy of Bin Laden and his associates. They have sought to serve as the vanguard of a religious movement that inspires Muslims and other individuals aspiring to join a jihadi movement to help establish a global caliphate through violent means. The name “Qaeda” means “base” or “foundation,” upon which its members hope to build a robust, geographically-diverse network.

Understanding the origins of Al Qaeda, its goals, current activities, and prospective future pursuits is key to developing sound U.S. strategies, policies, and programs. Appreciating the adaptive nature of Al Qaeda as a movement and the ongoing threat it projects onto U.S. global security interests assists in many facets of the national security enterprise; including, securing the homeland, congressional legislative process and oversight, alignment of executive branch resources and coordination efforts, and prioritization of foreign assistance.

The focus of this report is on the history of Al Qaeda, actions and capabilities of the organization and non-aligned entities, and an analysis of select regional Al Qaeda affiliates. This report may be updated as events warrant.

CRS — Laos: Background and U.S. Relations

February 9th, 2010

Laos: Background and U.S. Relations (PDF; 216 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Open CRS)

The United States and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (LPDR) cooperate in important areas despite ideological differences and U.S. concerns about alleged human rights abuses against the ethnic Hmong minority. The U.S. government has gradually upgraded its relations with the communist state, which has strong ties to Vietnam and growing economic linkages with China. Major areas of U.S. assistance and bilateral cooperation include de-mining and counter-narcotics programs, strengthening the country’s regulatory framework and trade capacity, HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, the recovery of Americans missing in action during the Vietnam War, and military education and training. In 2008, the United States and Laos exchanged defense attachés the first time in over 30 years. The U.S. government has embarked upon a policy of economic engagement with the LPDR as a means of influencing the future direction of Lao policy.

The Obama Administration and Members of Congress have expressed concerns about the plight of former ethnic Hmong insurgents and their families, who have historical ties to the U.S.-backed Lao-Hmong guerilla army of the Vietnam War period, and efforts by Thai authorities to repatriate over 4,500 Lao-Hmong living in camps in Thailand, many of whom claim that they likely will be persecuted or discriminated against if they return to Laos. In June 2009, 31 Members of Congress signed a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urging her to appeal to the Thai government not to forcibly repatriate Hmong asylum seekers. U.S. officials have called upon the Thai and Lao governments for greater transparency in the repatriation and resettlement process. In April 2009, H.Con.Res. 112, “Expressing Support for Designation of a ‚National Lao-Hmong Recognition Day,’” was introduced in the House of Representatives.

CRS — Using Army Corps of Engineers Reservoirs for Municipal and Industrial Water Supply: Current Issues

February 9th, 2010

Using Army Corps of Engineers Reservoirs for Municipal and Industrial Water Supply: Current Issues (PDF; 168 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Open CRS)

Congress has limited the use of Army Corps of Engineers dams and reservoirs for municipal and industrial (M&I) water supply. Growing M&I demands have raised interest in–and concern about–changing current law and reservoir operations to give Corps facilities a greater role in M&I water storage. A reallocation of storage to M&I use from a currently authorized purpose (e.g., hydropower or navigation) changes the types of benefits produced by a facility and the stakeholders served. While Congress has specifically authorized 91 Corps multi-purpose facilities for M&I supply, it also has delegated to the Secretary of the Army constrained authority to reallocate storage to M&I water supply. In the Water Supply Act of 1958 (1958 WSA; P.L. 85-500), Congress provided that storage at Corps facilities could be allocated to M&I water supply without congressional approval if this reallocation did not seriously harm authorized project purposes or involve major structural or operational changes. Whether the Corps has regularly exceeded its discretion to reallocate is a concern raised in response to a July 2009 federal court order that found the Corps exceeded its discretion at Lake Lanier (GA).

In order to guide its implementation of the discretionary authority to reallocate, the agency developed guidance on what may constitute a major change or serious harm to an authorized purpose. Since 1977 that guidance has included quantitative limits on reallocations conducted without congressional authorization. Issues for Congress include whether the Corps’ interpretation of its discretionary authority is consistent with congressional intent and whether current law and policy are appropriate for current demands and constraints on water resources. CRS analysis of available data indicates that the Corps generally has not exceeded agency-established quantitative limits, with two exceptions in addition to Lake Lanier.

CRS — African-American Members of the United States Congress: 1870-2009

February 9th, 2010

African-American Members of the United States Congress: 1870-2009 (PDF; 416 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

There are 42 African American Members serving in the 111th Congress, 41 in the House of Representatives and one in the Senate. President Barack Obama served in the Senate until he resigned on November 16, 2008. There have been 125 African American Members of Congress: 119 have been elected to the House; five have been elected to the Senate; and one has been appointed to the Senate. There have been 98 Democrats: 95 in the House, three in the Senate; and 27 Republicans: 24 in the House, three in the Senate.

The number of African American Members has steadily increased since the first African Americans entered Congress in 1870. There were fewer than 10 Members until the 91st Congress (1969-1971). In the 98th Congress (1983-1985), the number surpassed 20 for the first time and then jumped to 40 in the 103rd Congress (1993-1995). Since the 106th Congress (1999-2001), the number has remained between 39 and 43 serving at any one time.

The first African American Member of Congress was Hiram Rhodes Revels (R-MS), who served in the Senate in the 41st Congress (1870-1871). The first African American Member of the House was Joseph H. Rainey (R-SC), who also served in the 41st Congress.

Shirley Chisholm (D-NY), elected to the 91st through 97th Congresses (1969-1983), was the first African American woman in Congress. Since that time, 27 other African American women have been elected, including Senator Carol Moseley-Braun (D-IL, 1993-1999), who is the only African American woman, as well as the first African American Democrat, elected to the Senate. Representative John Conyers, Jr. (D-MI, 1965-present), the current chair of the House Judiciary Committee, holds the record for length of service by an African American Member (45 years). He was first elected to the 89th Congress (1965-1967) and has served since January 3, 1965.

Representative James E. Clyburn (D-SC, 1993-present) and former Representatives William H. Gray III (D-PA, 1979-1991) and J.C. Watts (R-OK, 1995-2003) have been elected to the highest leadership positions held by African American Members of Congress. Representative Clyburn, the House majority whip in the 110th and 111th Congresses, served as vice chair of the House Democratic Caucus in the 108th and 109th Congresses. Representative Gray was chair of the House Democratic Caucus in 1989 (101st Congress). Later in that Congress, when a vacancy occurred, he was elected House majority whip, a position he held until his resignation from Congress in September 1991 (102nd Congress). Representative Watts served as chair of the House Republican Conference in the 106th-107th Congresses (1997-2001).

Twenty African Americans have served as committee chairs, 19 in the House and one in the Senate.

The Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), whose origins date back to 1969, currently has 42 members. Over its 40-year history, the CBC has been one of the most influential caucuses in Congress.

This report will be updated as needed.

CRS — Understanding China’s Political System

February 9th, 2010

Understanding China’s Political System (PDF; 306 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

Opaque and shrouded in secrecy, China’s political system and decision-making processes are mysteries to many Westerners. At one level, China is a one-party state that has been ruled by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1949. But rather than being rigidly hierarchical and authoritarian, which is often the assumption, political power in China now is diffuse, complex, and at times highly competitive. Despite its grip on power, the Party and its senior leaders (the Politburo and its Standing Committee) are not always able to dictate policy decisions as they once did. Instead, present-day China’s political process is infused with other political actors that influence and sometimes determine policy.

Three other main actors co-exist with the Party at the top of China’s political system. Chief among these is the muscular state government bureaucracy, whose structures closely parallel the Party’s throughout China, operating in a largely separate but interlocking way to implement and administer state business. Another key institution is the People’s Liberation Army, operating again largely separately and with a tenuous distinction between civilian, military, and Party leadership. Completing the top political institutions is the National People’s Congress, constitutionally the highest organ of state power but in practice the weakest of the top political institutions.

Other political actors in China include: provincial and local officials; a growing body of official and quasi-official policy research groups and think tanks that feed proposals into the policy process; a collection of state sector, multinational, and even private business interests exerting pressure on policy decisions; a vigorous academic and university community; a diverse media that informs public opinion; and an increasingly vocal and better-informed citizenry that are demanding more transparency and accountability from government. New forms of communication and information availability also have pressured the PRC government to make changes in its political system, and have provided the Party with new means of maintaining political control. The political story in China today is the extent to which these multiple actors and changing circumstances have helped blur the communist regime’s lines of authority.

Chinese politics is further complicated by other factors. In the absence of a more formalized institutional infrastructure, personal affiliations can play a significant role in political decisions, adding unpredictability to an already murky process. In addition, discipline between the different levels of party and government structure can be tenuous, leading to ineffective implementation of policy and, in some cases, serious problems with corruption.

Despite its internal problems, the PRC’s Communist Party-led political system has proven exceedingly resilient to past and current challenges, but nevertheless is under stress and undergoing reluctant transition. Ironically, the Party’s commitment to remaining in power appears to be forcing it to adapt continually to changing circumstances and to make incremental compromises with other participants in the political process when it is pragmatic to do so. A better understanding of how China’s political system functions, as well as what are its strengths and weaknesses, may help U.S. lawmakers make more effective policy decisions that directly benefit U.S. interests.

CRS — Asian Pacific Americans in the United States Congress

February 9th, 2010

Asian Pacific Americans in the United States Congress (PDF; 208 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

In the 111th Congress, a record 12 Asian Pacific Americans were elected to the United States Congress: 2 Senators, 8 Representatives, and 2 Delegates. Of the 40 Asian Pacific Americans who have served in Congress from 1903 to the present, there have been 5 Senators (3 of whom have also served in the House), 15 Representatives, 7 territorial Delegates, and 13 Resident Commissioners from the Philippine Islands. Resident Commissioners served from 1907-1946 while the Philippines was a U.S. territory and commonwealth (all were Philippine born). Of the 27 Asian Pacific Americans who were not resident commissioners, 18 were Democrats and 9 were Republicans.

The ancestry of these Asian Pacific Americans has included Chinese, Chamorro, Filipino, Asian Indian, Japanese, Korean, Native Hawaiian, Samoan, and Vietnamese. They have represented California, Hawaii, Louisiana, Ohio, Oregon, Virginia, American Samoa, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands. They have served in leadership positions, including committee and subcommittee chairmanships.

This report presents information on Senators, Representatives, and Delegates, including party affiliations, length and dates of service, and committee assignments. The bipartisan and bicameral Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus is also discussed in this report. It will be updated in each new Congress when information becomes available, or as events warrant.

Desalination: Status and Federal Issues

February 9th, 2010

Desalination: Status and Federal Issues (PDF; 172 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

In the United States, desalination is increasingly investigated as an option for meeting municipal water demands, particularly for coastal communities that can desalinate seawater or estuarine water, interior communities above brackish groundwater aquifers, and communities with contaminated water supplies. Adoption of desalination, however, remains constrained by financial, environmental, regulatory, and other factors. At issue is what role Congress establishes for the federal government in desalination research and development, and in construction and operational costs of desalination demonstration projects and full-scale facilities.

Desalination processes generally treat seawater or brackish water to produce a stream of freshwater, and a separate, saltier stream of water that has to be disposed (often called waste concentrate). Desalination’s attractions are that it can create a new source of freshwater from otherwise unusable waters, and that this source may be more dependable than freshwater sources that rely on annual or multi-year precipitation, runoff, and recharge rates. Many states (most notably Florida, California, and Texas) and cities are actively researching and investigating the feasibility of large-scale desalination plants for municipal water supplies.

Desalination and its different applications, however, come with their own sets of risks and concerns. Although the costs of desalination dropped steadily in recent decades, making it more competitive with other water supply augmentation options, the declining trend may not continue if energy costs rise. Electricity expenses vary from one-third to one-half of the operating cost of desalination facilities. Reducing the energy requirements of desalination would decrease its cost uncertainties. Substantial uncertainty also remains about the technology’s environmental impacts, in particular management of the saline waste concentrate and the effect of intake facilities on aquatic organisms. Moreover, there are few federal health and environmental guidelines, regulations, and policies specific to desalination as a municipal water supply source. Social acceptance and regulatory processes also affect desalination’s adoption and perceived risks.

Research and public education may help to resolve some uncertainties, develop methods to mitigate impacts, reduce the costs of desalination, and improve public understanding of the risks. To date, the federal government has been involved primarily in desalination research and development (including military applications), some demonstration projects, and select full-scale facilities. For the most part, local governments, sometimes with state-level involvement, have been responsible for planning, testing, building, and operating desalination facilities, similar to their responsibility for freshwater treatment for municipal drinking water supply. Bills in the 111th Congress (e.g., H.R. 88, H.R. 469, S. 1462, S. 1731, S. 1733, and P.L. 111-11) represent a range of federal authorizations for desalination research, demonstration and full-scale facilities, and planning and financing. H.R. 1145 would formally establish a federal interagency committee to coordinate federal water research, including desalination research.

CRS — Women in the United States Congress: 1917-2009

February 9th, 2010

Women in the United States Congress: 1917-2009 (PDF; 604 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

A record 93 women currently serve in the 111th Congress: 76 in the House (59 Democrats and 17
Republicans) and 17 in the Senate (13 Democrats and 4 Republicans). Ninety-five women were
initially elected to the 111th Congress. Since the 111th Congress convened, two of these—Senator
Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Representative Hilda Solis (D-CA)—resigned to take cabinet positions in the administration of President Obama, and a third, Representative Ellen Tauscher (D-CA), resigned to become Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security. Also, Representative Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) resigned from the House when she was appointed to fill the seat vacated by Senator Clinton, and Representative Judy Chu (D-CA) was elected in July 2009 to fill the seat vacated by Representative Solis.

The first woman elected to Congress was Representative Jeannette Rankin (R-MT, 1917-1919, 1941-1943). The first woman to serve in the Senate was Rebecca Latimer Felton (D-GA). She was appointed in 1922 and served for only one day.

A total of 260 women have served in Congress, 170 Democrats and 90 Republicans. Of these women, 222 (145 Democrats, 77 Republicans) have served only in the House of Representatives; 30 (19 Democrats, 11 Republicans) have served only in the Senate; and 8 (6 Democrats, 2 Republicans) have served in both houses. These figures include one Delegate each from Guam, Hawaii, the District of Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands.

Edith Nourse Rogers (R-MA), who served in the House for 35 years, holds the record for length of service by a woman in Congress. Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME), the first woman elected to the House and Senate, holds the record for Senate service by a woman with 24 years. Of the 38 women who have served in the Senate, 14 were first appointed, and 5 were first elected to fill unexpired terms. Nine were chosen to fill vacancies caused by the death of their husbands, and 1 to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of her father. Of these 10, 3 were subsequently elected to additional terms. Hattie Caraway (D-AR) was the first Senator to succeed her husband and the first woman elected to a six-year Senate term.

A total of 28 African American or black women have served in Congress (1 in the Senate, 27 in the House), including the 14 serving in the 111th Congress. Seven Hispanic women have been elected to the House; six serve in the 111th Congress. Five Asian American women have served in the House, including two in the 111th Congress.

Sixteen women in the House, and eight women in the Senate, have chaired committees, including three chairs of standing House committees and seven chairs of standing Senate committees. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) is the first woman to serve as Speaker of the House. She holds the highest position in the House of Representatives, and is second in the presidential line of succession. This report identifies the names, committee assignments, dates of service, and (for Representatives) districts of the 260 women who have served in Congress. It will be updated when there are changes in the makeup of Congress.

CRS — Membership of the 111th Congress: A Profile

February 9th, 2010

Membership of the 111th Congress: A Profile (PDF; 136 KB)
Source: Congressional Research Service (via Federation of American Scientists/Secrecy News)

This report presents a profile of the membership of the 111th Congress. Statistical information is included on selected characteristics of Members, including data on party affiliation, average age and length of service, occupation, religious affiliation, gender, ethnicity, foreign births, and military service.

Currently, in the House of Representatives, there are 262 Democrats (including five Delegates and the Resident Commissioner), 178 Republicans, and one vacant seat. The Senate has 57 Democrats; 2 Independents, who caucus with the Democrats; and 41 Republicans.

The average age of Members of both Houses of Congress at the beginning of the 111th Congress was 58.2 years; of Members of the House, 57.2 years; and of Senators, 63.1 years. The overwhelming majority of Members have a college education. The dominant professions of Members are public service/politics, business, and law. Protestants collectively constitute the majority religious affiliation of Members. Roman Catholics account for the largest single religious denomination, and numerous other affiliations are represented.

The average length of service for Representatives at the beginning of the 111th Congress was 11.0 years (5.5 terms); for Senators 12.9 years (2.2 terms).

A record number of 93 women serve in the 111th Congress: 76 in the House, 17 in the Senate. There are 41 African American Members of the House and one in the Senate. This number includes two Delegates. There are 29 Hispanic or Latino Members serving: 28 in the House, including the Resident Commissioner, and one in the Senate. Twelve Members (eight Representatives, two Delegates, and two Senators) are Asian or Native Hawaiian/other Pacific Islander. The only American Indian (Native American) serves in the House.

Leadership Development in Business Schools: An Agenda For Change

February 8th, 2010

Leadership Development in Business Schools: An Agenda For Change
Source: Stanford Graduate School of Business

There is surprisingly little evaluation of business school or, for that matter, company leadership development efforts. What evidence exists suggests that business schools have not been particularly effective, overall, in their leadership development activities. In part this is because leadership development has been used more for fund raising than to guide either the curriculum or affect the faculty evaluation process. If business schools are going to take the mission of leadership development seriously, a number of changes are necessary.

+ Full Paper (PDF; 219 KB)

Outsourcing May Be Slowing Down Apparel Firms

February 8th, 2010

Outsourcing May Be Slowing Down Apparel Firms
Source: Stanford Graduate School of Business

Most companies in the fashion industry are firmly entrenched in a business model that involves outsourcing production and distributing products through cheaper, “slow boat” channels. New research at Stanford Graduate School of Business, however, suggests that while this approach seems to make economic sense it may actually create gross inefficiencies that cause firms to miss out on significant profits.

Researchers say fashion firms are best off when they combine highly fashionable, trendy product designs with short production and distribution lead times — in many cases producing goods closer to home. By getting goods into shoppers’ closets when they are in demand, and not producing leftover unneeded inventory that will be dumped onto a sale rack, retailers are more likely to get customers to buy early at full retail price. The profit margin increase under this combined scenario is exponential.

+ The Value of Fast Fashion: Quick Response, Enhanced Design, and Strategic Consumer Behavior (PDF; 236 KB)

UK: Giving children a healthy start

February 8th, 2010

Giving children a healthy start
Source: Audit Commission

From the Summary:
Children have a right to enjoy the best possible health, but there are significant differences in their experiences. Children under five years living in deprived areas are 8 per cent more likely to be obese; 9 per cent more likely to be of a low birth weight; and 12 per cent more likely to have an accident than those living in the rest of England. Evidence clearly demonstrates that improving early years’ health contributes considerably to better health outcomes in later life, with reduced levels of diabetes, coronary heart disease and hypertension, all of which have a significant impact on the NHS as well as wider society, children and their families.

Children’s health has been an increasing priority for the government over the last ten years. Between 1999 and 2009 the government published over 20 policies relating to the health of under-fives (Figure 1). However, except for Sure Start and more recent policies such as the Healthy Child Programme, policy statements have largely focused on the 0 to 19 years age group or wider population public health, rather than on the under-fives.

Between 1998/99 and 2010/11 we estimate that £10.9 billion (including £7.2 billion for Sure Start, which had dedicated funding for health improvements in the early phase of roll-out) will have been invested in programmes aimed in whole, or in part, at improving the health of the under-fives, but this has not produced widespread improvements in health outcomes (Table 1). Some health indicators have indeed worsened – for example, obesity and dental health – and the health inequalities gap between rich and poor has barely changed.

+ Direct link to Summary (PDF; 1 MB)

+ Direct link to Full Report (PDF; 3 MB)

A Dirty Word or a Dirty World? Attribute Framing, Political Affiliation, and Query Theory

February 8th, 2010

A Dirty Word or a Dirty World? Attribute Framing, Political Affiliation, and Query Theory
Source: Psychological Science (via American Psychological Association)
From press release:

Would you pay more for certain products to save the planet? That’s the question behind the burgeoning carbon-offset industry — proponents pay more money for carbon-producing activities (such as flying), with the idea that the carbon emissions will be balanced out by funding for alternative energy sources. At the same time, economists and climate scientists agree that a carbon tax would be the most effective means through which the U.S. could lower carbon emissions and pay for alternative energy production. However, politicians are reluctant to propose a carbon tax because taxes tend to be unpopular with constituents, especially with Republican voters. But does word choice, such as offset versus tax, really make a difference? And in addition, does our political affiliation influence how we respond to certain labels?

Columbia University psychological scientists David J. Hardisty, Eric J. Johnson, and Elke U. Weber wanted to see how the way in which a concept is framed (that is, how it is labeled) affects our attitude towards it. In this experiment, volunteers (who self-identified as Democrats, Republicans, or Independents) read about a program that would increase the cost of certain carbon-producing activities but would use the proceeds to fund alternative energies or carbon capture and sequestration. For half the volunteers this surcharge was labeled as a “carbon offset,” while for the other half it was labeled as a “carbon tax,” yet the details of the program were the same in each case. Participants then had to choose between two identical items (e.g., airline tickets), where one cost more, because it included the surcharge. Volunteers were asked to write down their thoughts about the decision, make a choice, and also indicate whether they would support legislation making the surcharge mandatory for all products of that type.

The results, reported in Psychological Science, a journal of the Association for Psychological Science, suggest a strong link between our political affiliation and how we react to certain frames. In the “offset” condition, Democratic, Republican, and Independent volunteers tended to select the more expensive, albeit environmentally-friendly, product. They were also equally likely (across party) to support making the cost increase mandatory. However, in the “tax” condition, while Democratic volunteers still opted for the costlier item, Republican and Independent participants were more likely to choose the cheaper item, and did not support legislation.

Army Deployments to OIF and OEF

February 8th, 2010

Army Deployments to OIF and OEF
Source: RAND Corporation

In light of some publicly voiced misconceptions regarding the Army’s capacity to deploy additional soldiers to Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), RAND Arroyo Center was asked to assess the demands placed upon the Army by these deployments. Analyzing Department of Defense deployment data, Arroyo found that the Army has provided over 1 million troop-years to OIF and OEF, and that most active-duty soldiers now deployed to these operations are on their second or third tour. Those active-duty soldiers who have not yet gone to Iraq or Afghanistan typically fall into one of two categories: new soldiers, needing to complete training before deployment; and experienced soldiers, needed for other missions. The demand for active duty soldiers in OEF and OIF would have exceeded supply under the Army’s normal deployment policies, so the Army and the Department of Defense took several actions to increase supply: it increased the overall size of the active component; it reassigned soldiers from other assignments and missions to the pool of soldiers rotating to OEF and OIF; and it greatly increased the rate at which soldiers rotate to and from the wars. Despite these adaptations, the Army retains very limited unutilized capacity to deploy additional active-duty soldiers beyond the current troop levels in OEF and OIF.